The Gay Games: Then and Now

By Andrew D. Linden and Lindsay Parks Pieper 

The first five men to cross the stage ranged in age from 60 to 69. As the caller announced the required bodybuilding positions—“front double biceps” or “back lat spread”—the men flexed, leaned, turned, tightened, and contracted on cue. After finishing the group poses, the individual athletes performed solo routines, highlighting different parts of their muscular physiques. While this contest followed the policies of most bodybuilding competitions, some uniquenesses emanated. “This (event) is nurturing and supportive,” explained Jon, a gold medalist in pairs and bronze medalist in the 50-59 age category. “Everyone backstage is ‘here, let me help you with that.’ Or, ‘you wanna borrow this?’” When contrasted against other events, he suggested that the Gay Games have “a lot more camaraderie.”

Gay Games Bodybuilding, Ages 60-69 (personal collection)

Gay Games Bodybuilding, Ages 60-69 (personal collection)

Jon and twenty other men, plus two women, competed in bodybuilding during the 2014 Gay Games. From August 9-16, Cleveland and Akron, Ohio, hosted the quadrennial event, held since 1982. Although Jon worried that people in the two Rust Belt cities would be hostile or unsupportive, he was pleasantly surprised. “The city is really amazing with its acceptance,” he noted. With over 9,000 participants in thirty-seven sports, the Games reportedly brought over 40,000 people to the region.

With a vast array of athletic and cultural events, we could not document all of the activities conducted during the week-long festivities. This post outlines the history of the Gay Games, along with various accounts of the Games we witnessed while in Cleveland and Akron.

GG9-clev_skyline-b

Tom Waddell and the “Gay Olympics”

Tom Waddell first recognized the power of sport as an adolescent. Born in 1937 to a strict Catholic family, he realized that participation in physical contests granted him an unquestioned masculine countenance. “When I was a kid, I was tall for my age, and I was very thin but very strong,” he remembered. “I was totally closeted and very concerned about being male.” Coming of age in the fifties, Waddell also understood another reality—sexuality mattered. Against a Cold War backdrop, heterosexuality was the assumed and “correct” orientation in the United States; most Americans stigmatized and condemned all other relationships. The 1950s were “a terrible time to live,” explained Waddell. “Everything was stacked against me.” Unfortunately, as U.S.-U.S.S.R. animosities heightened, many increasingly viewed same-sex sexuality as abnormal, deviant, and treasonous. “I realized that I had to do something to protect my image of myself as a male,” he noted. “So I threw myself into athletics.” Cold War gender norms circumscribed sport as the preserve of strong, masculine (heterosexual) men; as such, it provided Waddell an avenue to conceal his sexuality. He consequently excelled in ballet, football, gymnastics, and track and field.

Although Waddell initially used sport as a tool to mask his sexuality, he nevertheless cultivated an impressive athletic career. With a track and field scholarship, he attended Springfield College in Massachusetts, a YMCA school and stronghold of masculinity. Waddell competed as a three-sport athlete, earning accolades in football, gymnastics, and track and field. He found tremendous athletic success; however, he also experienced the darker side of sport. Homophobia tarnished—and continues to tarnish today—many athletic competitions. Due to the prevalent and pejorative stereotypes about gay men, Waddell maintained his use of sport as a means to reconcile his sexual orientation with masculinity. “I think a lot of men go into athletics for the same reason I did,” he suggested. “To prove their maleness.”

Waddell’s sporting prowess also earned him a position on the 1968 U.S. Olympic team. He competed in Mexico City alongside a cast of historical greats, including Bob Beamon, John Carlos, Tommie Smith, and Bill Toomey. As his teammates broke records and protested inequalities, Waddell finished sixth in the decathlon, setting personal bests in five events. Upon concluding his Olympic career, he engaged in San Francisco’s 1970s gay culture, wherein he stumbled upon a Bay Area gay bowling league. The event inspired Waddell to consider creating his own sporting event, one which would focus on acceptance and tolerance.

In 1980, Waddell conceived the Gay Olympics. He envisioned the multi-sport event as fulfilling three purposes: to shatter the negative stereotypes of gay men, combat homophobia, and dignify the gay community. Although Waddell mirrored the blueprint of the Olympics, he remained disillusioned by the elitism, nationalism, racism, sexism, and homophobia he witnessed as an Olympian. The Gay Olympics, therefore, prioritized inclusivity.

Waddell deemed the 1982 San Francisco Gay Olympics open to all, regardless of ability or sexual orientation–an eligibility policy still in place for the Cleveland Games. According to Tony, a 2014 soccer participant, the Gay Games are “a chance for you to be able to play with like people.” Formerly a professional athlete, Tony attended the Games in Sydney, Chicago, and Cologne, prior to traveling to Northeast Ohio. He played and coached during the four events, and also served as an ambassador from Philadelphia for the Gay Games. “It’s been an experience because for so many years a lot of these people had to hide,” Tony explained. “It’s more acceptable.” While many similarly applauded the progressive nature of Waddell’s creation from the onset, the United States Olympic Committee (USOC) was unmoved.

A mere nineteen days before the opening ceremonies of the 1982 San Francisco Gay Olympics, the USOC convinced a federal court to issue an injunction against Waddell and the event organizers, the San Francisco Arts & Athletics, Inc., claiming their use of the word “Olympics” violated copyright law. Responding in a letter, Waddell angrily argued that the injunction was “a glaring hypocrisy and a grave violation of the ideas you are supposed to safeguard and promote.” He supported his claim by highlighting the numerous organizations that frequently deployed the “Olympics” without USOC contestation, including the Armenian Olympics, Crab Cooking Olympics, Pastalympics, Rat Olympics, and Xerox Olympics. “The bottom line is that if I’m a rat, a crab, a copying machine or an Armenian I can have my own Olympics,” he noted. If I’m gay, I can’t.” Ignoring the implications of homophobia, USOC Executive Director Don Miller demurred that the use of “Olympics” in connection with the Gay Olympics would “dilute the meaning and significance” of the Games. The injunction thereby remained in place for 1982 and the legal battle continued for five years. The Supreme Court eventually heard the case in 1987 and ruled in favor of the USOC.

Upset with the injunction, yet refusing to succomb, Waddell and the San Francisco Arts & Athletics, Inc. hastily changed the Gay Olympics to the Gay Games. Despite the momentary setback, the Games commenced as planned in Kezar Stadium, the previous home of the San Francisco Forty-Niners. During the Opening Ceremonies, Waddell provided the welcoming remarks:

Welcome to a dream that is now a reality. Welcome to a celebration of freedom. These Gay Games, the first of their kind, are offered to Gay and enlightened people from all over the world. They are a departure from other events of this scope and magnitude in that the underlying philosophy is one of self-fulfillment and a spirit of friendship.

Many shared Waddell’s enthusiasm. Over 1,300 athletes from twelve countries competed in seventeen events.

The 1982 San Francisco Gay Games constituted a new sporting paradigm. Unlike other competitions, the Gay Games encouraged participation and privileged personal best, two ideals that have persisted. A 2014 Cleveland competitor remarked that the Gay Games were unique because “you don’t have to be the best, it’s all about competition and camaraderie.” Unfortunately, between the First Gay Games in 1982 and the second in 1986, Waddell–and thousands of gay men–received devastating news.

AIDS and the 1986 San Francisco Gay Games

In March 1981, medical practitioners identified Kaposi’s Sarcoma (KS), a rare form of cancer that typically plagued the elderly, in at least eight young men in New York City. A few months later, popular media outlets described a similar outbreak in both New York and California. According to the reports, eight patients died within 24 months of the diagnosis. Devastatingly, the later stories attached the illness to the gay community. For example, the New York Times’ headline declared “Rare Cancer Seen in 41 Homosexuals,” while the Chicago Tribune noted that although KS primarily affected men older than 50, medical centers in New York and California diagnosed younger men, “all of whom said in the course of diagnostic interviews that they were homosexual.” Due to this supposed connection, the Center for Disease Control (CDC) informally identified the illness as the “4H Disease” as it seemingly affected Haitians, hemophiliacs, heroin users, and “homosexuals.” The press constructed a different label, however, describing the ailment as GRID, Gay-Related Immune Deficiency. While the CDC declared GRID a misleading title in 1982, the damage to the gay community was already done. Many Americans classified the Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS) as a “gay cancer.”

Sport was one way for those with AIDS to help improve their health; however, opposition to the 1986 San Francisco Gay Games surfaced. Some worried that both the funding and volunteer assistance needed to curb the crisis would instead be diverted into the Games. Others feared that gathering a large number of gay athletes in one location would inevitably lead to a further spreading of the disease. Finally, a few people pointed out the poor timing of the event. As historian Caroline Symons explained in her book The Gay Games: A History (2010), some believed “the staging of the Gay Games during a time in which the gay community of San Francisco was at one of its lowest points was a bit like dancing on the graves of the dead and the dying” (p. 78).

Yet, Waddell viewed the situation differently. Diagnosed with AIDS in 1985, he argued that “the Gay Games are the antithesis of the AIDS crisis. In many respects our community needs a psychological boost, and this will provide it” (Symons, p. 80). He also noted the physical benefits of sport, a message that has continued to encourage participation in the Games. For example, a 2014 competitor started bodybuilding after learning he was HIV-positive. “I was HIV-positive and I worked out to keep fit, keep healthy,” he explained. He entered his first bodybuilding competition in San Francisco and was immediately hooked. The contest in Cleveland marked his fifth time participating in the Gay Games.

Furthermore, Waddell also suggested that the 1986 San Francisco Gay Games served as an opportunity to provide education and elevate the conversation surrounding AIDS. Therefore, during the Games, volunteers handed out condoms, safe-sex literature, and informational packets. Over 3,500 athletes from seventeen countries competed in San Francisco, including the founder. Waddell checked out of a hospital and won a gold medal in the javelin. He died within a year. His legacy, however, continued.

Gay Games Timeline (1982-2018)

Gay Games Timeline (1982-2018)

Expansion of the Games: 1990-1998

After the first two events in San Francisco, the Games went international. Also during this time, the Federation of Gay Games (FGG) emerged as the Game’s institutional body. The 1990, 1994, and 1998 host cities seemed logical, as the locales aligned with the principles of the Gay Games. Similar to San Francisco, many recognized the 1990 host city, Vancouver, as a safe haven for members of the Canadian LGBT community. In 1994, the Games flourished in the media capital of the world. In fact, scholars have referred to the New York City Gay Games as possibly the “largest gathering of gay tourists” in history. Four years later, the Games traveled to what Symons referred to as “probably the most gay-tolerant cosmopolitan city of the world–Amsterdam” (p. 147).

Along with the use of gay-friendly cities, the Gay Games increased athletic options for participants throughout the 1990s. The seventeen sports from the original two Games burgeoned to twenty-eight in 1990, thirty-one in 1994, and thirty in 1998. Organizers also incorporated components that enhanced the political nature of the event. For example, at the 1998 Amsterdam Games, a “Gay Games Business Plan,” made efforts through outreach programs to help further the cause of human rights. One component of the initiative was to pay for 328 people to attend the Games that did not have the means to travel to Amsterdam (Symons, pp. 159-160).

Swimming Venue for Gay Games IX-The Robert F. Busbey Natatorium, Cleveland State University (personal collection)

Swimming Venue for Gay Games IX-The Robert F. Busbey Natatorium, Cleveland State University (personal collection)

Concurrently, the Games became more institutionalized. For example, in 1990, the Federation Internationale Natation Association (FINA) sanctioned the swimming events–a change that increased competition. Dan Cox, director of swimming for the 2014 Gay Games, described the resultant implications of accreditation. With FINA’s approval, swimmers were able to use times achieved during the Gay Games for U.S. master’s qualifications. Cox, therefore, followed all regulations established by the international federation. In addition, to ensure everything ran smoothly, he required over thirty volunteers at the pool per day, which made swimming the largest, most complicated, and most popular event. Yet, the event also maintained some disparities from other FINA meets. “The difference is that this crowd is a lot more lively and much more team oriented,” Cox explained. “In terms of team spirit, these guys blow the doors off of everyone.”

The Gay Games also experienced financial growth in the 1990s. Overall sponsorship contributions reached 1.5 million dollars. Part of the increased commercialism was attributed to what Symons referred to as the normalization of the “gays as good consumers” mindset, or the “pink dollar.” Some companies started to view the gay community as a viable market to target because “[g]ays and lesbians were portrayed as the models, even the fashion-leading citizens, of consumer-driven society” (p. 103). But as she pointed out, the target market often only included the “high earning, white, urban, professional gay male” (p. 103). Tellingly, even with the new affluent market, no major sponsor signed up to endorse Gay Games III.

Inclusion, which remains the leading attribute of the Gay Games, has also been scrutinized. According to Symons, the Games in Vancouver maintained inclusivity as a key tenet; however, organizers attempted to present a conservative gay and lesbian appearance. The “inclusive and participatory atmosphere,” she argued, did not “appear to have been extended to the more gender non-conforming segments of the gay and lesbian community” (p. 108). For example, she cited the exclusion of the “drag” community from one of the celebration parties in Vancouver.

The Games in 1994 took on special significance, hosted by New York City on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Stonewall Riots. Stonewall 25, a celebration of the anniversary, along with Gay Games IV, allowed for the global reach of the LGBT movement. For example, participants from a more diverse collection of countries came to the Games while media coverage expanded. Additionally, “[a]ll Gay Games and Stonewall 25 participants were engaged in what was the largest and most international gay and lesbian pride event and parade ever staged” (Symons, p. 145).

Growing Pains: The 2000s

U.S. States and Countries Participating in Gay Games IX (personal collection)

U.S. States and Countries Participating in Gay Games IX (personal collection)

The Games in the 2000s expanded in numerous ways. First, the FGG made an effort to increase its diversity. Symons noted that Syndey “broke new ground” by highlighting and including “indigenous peoples, especially from the Pacific region, and their Western and non-Western ways of thinking and living” (p. 192). However, the Games also underwent a “watershed moment,” when the mission came under question. Some FGG officials and LGBT advocates believed too much focus was given to certain aspects of the community. She explained:

For some Directors there was clear discrepancy between projecting a “respectable” public image of the LGBT community and unashamedly celebrating the flamboyant, the colourful and courageous aspects of queer culture during the main ceremony. (p. 199)

Because of these concerns and additional financial difficulties, following the Sydney Games, an FGG document titled “The Image of the Gay Games” reemphasized the original mission of the Games, showing the organization’s “desire to return the Gay Games to their beginnings” (Symons, p. 200).

In line with the FGG’s attempt to present a more “respectable” image, the organization simultaneously grappled with gender inclusivity. In particular, the leaders questioned how to incorporate transgender participants into various competitions. Prior to the 2002 Sydney Games, the FGG followed the examples set by other sport bodies and enacted a variety of restrictive stipulations. For example, the rules implemented for the 1994 New York City Games stemmed from conservative medical and psychological ideologies. The FGG not only mandated a legal name change, but also required transgender participants to provide a letter from a medical practitioner that described hormone treatments, ongoing for at least two years. More offensively, prior to competition, transgender athletes had to submit a document from a mental health professional that chronicled the nature of their therapy. Many lambasted the exclusionary requirements and argued the procedure was oppositional to Waddell’s initial vision. The FGG, therefore, outlined a new “Gender Policy” for Sydney, which focused on the socially constructed nature of gender. While the FGG permitted access without proof of identity in 2002, a caveat explained that sex could be verified if a competitor lodged a complaint, subsequently criminalizing transgender competitors.

For the 2014 Games, the “Gender Identity Policy” outlined two avenues for identification. First, the FGG accepted legal gender as denoted on government-issued identification. Second, the organization recognized some “alternatives to legal proof of their gender,” including: certification from a medical practitioner that documented hormone treatments, ongoing at least one year prior to the Games; certification that the individual in question lived as the chosen gender for two years; evidence of employment; “substantive personal letters”; testimonials; bank accounts; or property-related documents. The Gay Games may have enhanced its inclusivity; however, those who competed in sports sanctioned by international federations, such as swimming, were required to follow the stipulations put forward by the leading body. In many cases, the international federations proved far less accepting than the FGG.

Although gender inclusivity is a goal of the Games, gender equality remains a problem. Gender equitability started as one of the central aims of the Games. Waddell, in fact, believed the Gay Games could bring together gay men and women, who were oftentimes at political and social odds. According to Symons, “they existed in separate worlds” throughout the 1970s and early 1980s. Yet, it was not until Amsterdam that gender equality was monitored. The 1998 Games did achieve more parity, as women comprised forty-two percent of the competitors.

Unfortunately, some women at the 2014 Games noticed stark gender disparity. Anne, a soccer play from Toronto, explained: “We’re the only women’s team, so that’s pretty hard.” Other all-female teams registered for the tournament, but dropped out at the last minute. “More women would have been helpful,” added Toronto teammate Rebekka Hammer. “I think it takes active outreach. I don’t think it’s enough to just say women are welcome.” Nevertheless, the team still attended, played against men’s teams, and enjoyed the ambiance.

Discrepancies also extended into organizational concerns. Consequently, the Games in 2006 commenced concurrently to those at the 2006 Montreal World Outgames in Canada. According to Symons, “[t]he two separate events were the result of an acrimonious breakdown in relations between Montreal 2006 and the FGG over their failure to negotiate the licensing agreement for Gay Games VII” (p. 217). Furthermore, the two forums maintained different aims. Symons argued that because the FGG and Chicago wanted “to ‘keep alive the legacy of Waddell,’” along with mid-2000s “[a]nti-American sentiments, principally fuelled by opposition to the international and anti-gay domestic policies of George W. Bush,” the Montreal delegation “went all out to stage the largest and probably the most significant LGBT Human Rights’ Conference ever to be held and a multi-sport programme that proudly emulated all the professional and commercial trappings of major mainstream sport events.” (p. 218) The Chicago and Montreal Games, collectively, however, brought over 20,000 participants to the region in the summer of 2006.

The Games in Cologne continued the idea of a tolerant host city. One journalist called the metropolis a “gay mecca for Germans and visitors to Germany.” Indeed, as Bay Area Reporter Roger Brigham detailed “2010 will be remembered as a triumphant incarnation of the Gay Games dream, awakening the queer inner athlete in newcomer and veteran alike.”

While the Cologne Games proceeded smoothly, many expressed hesitancy about the next host city.

A Bid for the Rust Belt

Before the Cologne Games opened, the FGG decided the fate of the 2014 Games. At the FGG’s 2009 annual meeting, held in Cologne, delegates announced that Cleveland earned the opportunity to host the 2014 Games. After a year of consideration, the Great Lakes city won the bid over Boston, Massachusetts, and Washington D.C. Cleveland’s bid intrigued the FGG because of a two-million dollar contribution from city officials, coupled with its substantial enthusiasm. According to Time, a party to encourage the Gay Games to choose Cleveland attracted over 7,000 guests, while Boston’s and D.C.’s parties only brought in a few hundred supporters.

According to Brigham, “[t]he LGBT world was shocked. . . . when FGG voters selected Cleveland to be the host of Gay Games IX.” But FGG officials maintained that they continued its historic vision, explaining that Cleveland “understood the mission of the Gay Games and our principles.” They were also “highly impressed by the facilities and infrastructure, the widespread community sport, their financial plan and the city’s experience in hosting large-scale sports and cultural events.”

Cleveland wanted the Games, though, for specific reasons, something that perhaps is a new trend in the second decade of the twenty-first century. Not only did officials believe that the event would add sixty million dollars to the city’s coffers, but also that the Games would “change Ohio forever,” according to Cleveland City Council member Joe Cimperman. City officials included the Gay Games as part of an agenda to reshape the image of the Rust Belt town. As Cleveland (in Ohio, which remains a state that bans same-sex marriage) has been nationally considered a “blue collar factory town in a conservative farm state” which Time described as not “particularly innovative or gay-friendly,” officials believed hosting the Games would help the progression of the city. In fact, the two-million dollar donation to the Games came on the same day that Ohio’s House of Representatives ruled discrimination based on sexuality illegal in housing and employment. Added Cimperman after the announcement that Cleveland would host the Games: “You’re damn right this is about an agenda. Because if this doesn’t improve human equality, then why do it?”

Leaders in the LGBT movement also saw heading to Cleveland as a way “to boldly go to a place that is perhaps not recognizable throughout the world as a gay center, but where real change is starting to happen,” reported Darl Schaaff, the head of the Gay Games site-selection committee. Furthermore, said co-founder of Outsports.com, Cyd Zeigler in 2010: “I’m glad [the FGG] picked Cleveland. Part of the FGG’s mission is to change minds and be a visible agent of change. That’s a huge part of why Tom Waddell started the Gay Games. . . . And I’m glad the FGG is taking their message to Ohio.”

Even with difficulties in keeping the Games in Cleveland–the original group that was awarded the Games disappeared after a breach of contract settlement with the FGG in 2011–the Games successfully occurred in August, 2014.

Conclusion and Gay Games X

2014 Festival Village (personal collection)

2014 Festival Village (personal collection)

At the Opening Ceremonies of the 2014 Gay Games, a recorded message from U.S. President Barack Obama surprised the audience. “It’s been remarkable to see the Games thrive over the years. . . . We’ve also seen America change in that time.” While much work needs to be done in the United States and elsewhere–currently only nineteen of the fifty states in the United States grant marriage licenses to same-sex couples, violence toward transgender individuals is far too widespread, and workplace discrimination toward the LGBT community persists–there has been positive social change within the past quarter century. Certainly with the continuation and growth of the Gay Games, recent social movements, and prominent sport icons discussing their sexuality, the environment for LGBT athletes and the larger community has improved.

The Games continue to advance the vision of Tom Waddell, and adhere to their “guiding principles,” “Participation, Inclusion, Personal Best.” In 2018, these principles, along with the thousands of participants and spectators eager to enjoy athletic participation will arrive in Paris, France, for Gay Games X.

Andrew D. Linden is a Ph.D. student at the Pennsylvania State University. He is the co-editor of Sport in American History. He can be reached at adl5182@psu.edu and can be followed on Twitter @AndrewDLinden. He maintains his own website at www.andrewdlinden.com.

Lindsay Parks Pieper is an Assistant Professor of Sport Management at Lynchburg College. She can be reached at pieper.l@lynchburg.edu and can be followed on Twitter @LindsayPieper. She maintains her own website at www.lindsayparkspieper.com.

Tebow is Back!!

Ladies and gentlemen, Timothy Richard Tebow is back!! Those of you with a high enough cable TV package can welcome him back into your living room on the SEC Network. The last time Tebow made a media splash was when he ran shirtless through the rain at the New York Jets training camp. Truth be told, I love Tebow. Not because of his faith, his quarterbacking ability (or lack there of), or his good looks. I love him selfishly because he is a great paragraph. Yes, you read that correct, a paragraph. As I’ve worked on my dissertation, the way I see the world has changed. I see people, events, and stories as paragraphs. Honestly, it is strange, but interesting. From my perspective, Tim Tebow is a great paragraph, or even chapter, in the history of American sports. The reason is his polarizing popularity. Few people have no opinion on Tebow. He represents the hopes of some and the fears of others. Either way, Tebow’s career on and off the field shows how sports and religion shape American culture.

Football made Tim Tebow famous. His career at the University of Florida cemented him as one of the best college quarterbacks of all time. In the NFL, controversy swirled around him from the moment the Denver Broncos selected him in the first round of the draft. By the end of his second year, he led the Broncos to six fourth-quarter comebacks including an improbable playoff win. As quickly as he rose, he fell. After being traded to the New York Jets, he spent the majority of 2012 on the bench. In 2013, he didn’t make a NFL roster.

Religion and Sports in American Culture CoverJeff Scholes and Raphael Sassower’s Religion and Sports in American Culture offers a scholarly interpretation of Tebow-mania. Their book analyzes the common ground 21st-century American religion and sports share in belief, sacrifice, relics, pilgrimage, competition, work, and redemption. They argue that sports fans and religious adherents believe in the ability to “transcend what is observed in order to access that which is not observed” (p.40). Writing as two professors working in Colorado, no figure transcended observed athletic shortcomings with improbable (or miraculous) victories like Tim Tebow. They conclude that contemporary sports aren’t replacing religion, but reinforcing it.

Since his early exit from the NFL, Tim has kept busy on the speaker’s circuit. One organization he frequented was the Wildfire Men’s Impact Weekend. On March 8th and 9th, 2013, men–fathers, sons, and brothers–filled venues in Lynchburg, Virginia. The goal: “To create a movement that inspires men to deepen their relationship with God, the one who placed these longings of competition, adventure, and the outdoors in their soul.” Over the course of the two-day event, attendees registered for one of the seven tracks to guide their learning. The tracks wove together athletics, hunting, fishing, motorsports, extreme sports, relationships, and faith. From building a racecar engine to marriage counseling, duck calling with the cast of Duck Dynasty to evangelism techniques, baseball lessons from World Series champion pitcher John Smoltz to parenting advice, a National Rifle Association lesson on self-protection to building a stronger church, the conference blended overt manifestations of masculinity and evangelical Christianity. Wildfire Weekend hoped for ten thousand men from across the United States to register. Only six weeks after announcing the event, the overwhelming appeal of the conference forced them to create a waiting list. By the time of the conference, the waiting list of men hoping to attend grew to nearly four thousand. For the opening ceremony, the conference goers heard a sermon by the most popular evangelical in the United States, Tim Tebow.

The ability to bring together football, evangelicalism, and popular culture paid off for Tebow later in 2013. Forbes Magazine named him the most influential athlete of the year. He beat out the fastest man in the world Usain Bolt, the most decorated Olympian of all time Michael Phelps, and the face of the New York Yankees Derek Jeter. What makes Forbes’ selection so surprising is Tebow’s performance on the field. As a backup quarterback for the New York Jets, he attempted eight passes, completed six of them, and did not throw or rush for a single touchdown. Based on athletic accomplishment, he could not have been more irrelevant. But off the field Tebow was a pop-culture sensation. The Forbes article reported, “His clean living and public religious values make him a role model for many, even if they render him polarizing in some quarters.” The growth of Tebow’s popularity without success on the football field is telling. It shows the appeal of muscular Christianity to 21sh-century Americans. His blend of masculinity, athleticism, and Christianity made a backup quarterback the face of American evangelicalism.

So with Tebow’s coming back today (his birthday), why should I dedicate a whole blog post to him? Because I am a Tebow apologist? No. Because his name is click-bait for a startup blog? Maybe. The real reason is that he reveals the powerful combination of sports and religion in American culture. But then again, maybe I really do just see him through dissertation goggles. What do you think? Is Tim Tebow a good barometer to measure American sports and religious culture?

Hunter Hampton is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Missouri.  Email him at hmhyn7@mail.missouri.edu.

Sport in the Archive: Research Reflections 

I’ve just returned from a month-long research trip to Oklahoma, where I was visiting archives and reading microfilm for my dissertation on Bud Wilkinson and the 1950s University of Oklahoma football dynasty. Like Stephen Townsend’s post last week, I’ll be reflecting on the process of research as it relates to writing sports history. This piece draws upon my past experience in archives as both an archivist and a researcher. It is also informed by various words of wisdom given to me throughout my graduate school years. During this time, I’ve had two advisors – Randy Roberts and Richard O. Davies – who are both remarkably generous and productive. Their advice has guided me into the frigid tombs that we call archives and has undoubtedly informed what I’ve written here. First, however, I must echo the Yoda-like saying of my undergraduate advisor: “The sources will guide you.”

While it is certainly true that the sources will guide you, you’ve got to find them first. My particular project, and those I’ve completed in the past, revolves mostly around two major primary sources bases: university archives and newspapers. I’ve become quite fond of university archives through the years – my interest in sport history developed while working in my alma mater’s archive – but I have also come to recognize they’re all different. These differences relate to the age, collecting procedures, and organization of the archive. Ideally the choices in collecting and organizing materials follow a distinct policy, however, such policies vary widely and can be tinged by the interests of administrators and archivists alike. Indeed, I’ve argued first hand with fellow archivists over what is worth saving (offering my perspective as a historian on what and how things may be useful). Sadly, at lot of schools, athletic department files are one of these areas. Likewise, early collegiate athletic teams were often student organized without the concern for official documentation and preservation.

This is not the blame of archivists, of course. Athletic Department themselves are often reluctant to share or donate their files to university repositories when past collecting policies didn’t require it. For example, Purdue’s athletic department maintains its own records through its sports information department and researchers must request information from them. They’ve been reluctant to give any of their documents to the university archives. One positive from this is that they’ll have an intern go look through their collections for you. I’ve never seen a finding aid for their papers, so it’s tricky to know exactly what they have. This makes it difficult because the intern’s research is only as good as the directions and topics you give them. They’re generally not trained to read against the grain and probably wont report back with alternative ideas. This isn’t meant to be discouraging and probably isn’t true for all athletic departments, especially if you’re researching a broad, popular topic, but I’ve had mixed results.

Even when university archives do have sports files, they’re often incomplete and focus on statistics or media relations documents such as game programs and media guides. In my experience, it is difficult to locate the personal papers of athletics directors (ADs) or coaches, particularly in more recent eras when such figures change jobs frequently. Similarly, some coaches and ADs just don’t realize their documents are worth saving. During my brief time as an archivist, I saved the papers of our retiring athletic director and a track coach. They both told me that they were planning to trash their documents prior to my asking.

As Ronald Smith noted in his 1990 Journal of Sport History guide “Researching Archives and College Football,” president’s papers are by far the best resource for sports historians to consult. Because they reflect the major issues and events on campus life, president’s papers are almost always saved and processed by University archives. Unfortunately, not all sports are represented. During my trip this summer I consulted the papers of University of Oklahoma President George L. Cross. In his papers, football and basketball were the only two sports that had their own specific files. This is not surprising given their role as “revenue” sports. There was, however, reference to other sports in the files labeled “athletics” more generally. They contained items such as conference minutes (that often include results), budgets and contracts, and some correspondence.

Like presidents’ papers, boards of trustees’ (or regents, visitors, etc.) minutes are also essential for university based sports research. Though they also deal predominately with revenue sports, at many universities the board also approves all contracts – including items like broadcasting, employment, conference affiliation, and construction. At OU the board talked frequently about the issue the television during the 1950s, often objecting to the NCAAs quest for total control. When read in tandem with the president’s papers lively debates and confrontations begin to appear. One really interesting story I found this summer concerns the radio broadcasting rights and sponsorships of Oklahoma football. The president and the board oscillated back and forth on whether to sale the rights for the most money or to reach the most listeners. They questioned which was more central to the mission of the university and best fulfilled its obligation to taxpayers. Believe it or not, a broader audience won out.

Another place to look, if possible, is the faculty athletic representative’s (FAR) files. While the personal papers of faculty member can also be hit-or-miss, like coaches and ADs, FAR papers offer tremendous insight. These papers can contain documents related to eligibility, scholarships, conference meetings, national meetings (e.g. NCAA or NAIA), as well as meetings of the university athletic board (in some eras this is a faculty board). I first became acquainted with FAR papers while an archives intern the summer between my junior and senior year of undergrad. I had just completed my senior thesis the previous spring (a year early) and found an untouched file cabinet in the archive. Few people had opened the cabinet in the years it sat in the archive. Not following any clear collecting policy, the archivist joked that the old wooden file cabinet was probably wheeled in on dolly and left to be discovered. I got to discover that cabinet.

My job that summer was to organize the papers with coherent labels and rehouse them in acid-free folder. In the process I learned that the papers belonged to a chemistry professor, E. J. Cragoe, who served as the faculty athletic representative from Baker University to the Kansas Collegiate Athletic Conference (KCAC) for over 20 years (I get the feeling that FARs generally hold their positions for a while). He also served as Secretary and later Vice President of the KCAC. The collection included: the official conference meeting minutes, eligibility reports, heat-sheets and programs for the annual track meet, correspondence with important athletic officials and documents various and sundry. Such a trove is rare and, perhaps, even unusual depending on the scope of your project.

While personal papers and correspondence are invaluable resources, most sports research relies heavily on published sources. My advisors have told me their books often use close to 75% newspaper and magazine sources. While the personal insight of the archive is essential, so too is the daily coverage of teams and events. Within the archive, however, there is a quick and easy ways to gain access to important newspapers articles. Some athletic departments subscribe to news services and compile clippings o into scrapbooks. At the University of Kansas and Haskell Indian Nations University, I was able to isolate important dates and story-lines from Billy Mills’ athletic career that saved me an incredible amount of time. It is important to always crosscheck these clippings and expand upon them with magazine and newspapers (often on microfilm), but the scrapbooks are a great jump-start and can help add balance.

Of course, in the end there is no substitute to microfilm. Sports, unlike some other areas of history, require an understanding of the daily grind. This is especially true in my current research, where the University of Oklahoma football team won 47 consecutive games from 1953-1957. To get a feel for the streak, I’ve read several daily newspapers for those 5 seasons. I was careful to take note of the major events on-campus and locally as well as nationally and beyond football. Reading newspapers helps you get inside of the historical moment and understand the culture of specific places. I firmly believe that developing a sense of place is critical for doing good history. For example, reading the Oklahoma Daily campus newspaper helps me see what issues and events were most important to OU students. The papers covered some national stories in passing and others in-depth. These narratives sometimes counter with the local newspaper, Norman Transcript and regional papers like the Oklahoma City Daily Oklahoman or Tulsa World. Multiple perspectives on the team, and other issues such as race and politics, help add texture to the story. While it is tedious and difficult to go through all of these papers, the more one consults the stronger command they have of the specific culture and the emotions active in the specific moments you’re studying.

Though most newspaper microfilm is not located in archives, a lot of local papers are difficult to access from afar. I’ve been able to get a few papers via Inter Library Loan, but not all of them, and my library has had difficulty getting certain years. On my trip this summer, I devoted a week and a half just to reading microfilm. Most libraries are equipped with scanners so you don’t have waste money printing everything out and can archive it for later use. If you’re doing research after 1922, the smaller papers probably aren’t digitized (the Library of Congress is working to digitize those prior). Digital newspaper archives are beginning to pop-up around the web. These services can be spotty on specific papers and dates, so be sure to check out what they have before you subscribe. Alternatively, I recently discovered that some newspapers are beginning to offer subscriptions directly to their own digital archives, avoiding the hassle of microfilm. The Oklahoma City Daily Oklahoma has an option to subscribe only to its digital archive for as low as $9.99/month. The Kansa City Star and other papers offer similar services (there’s is $19.95/month with a limit to 200 downloads per month). These digital archives are often buried deep in newspapers’ websites and difficult to find.

While it’s beyond the purview of the archive, it is worth noting here that I relied heavily on oral history for my master’s thesis. Oral history is a common tools for those of us that do recent sports history. Preparing ahead of time for interviews is essential. I took an oral history workshop and consulted with the director of oral history at my master’s institution prior to conducting the interview. Once prepared, I had the privilege of spending a day chatting with Billy Mills at his home. The interview was integral to the project. If available, oral history is fantastic addition to any research project. Interviews should be conducted at the conclusion of your research. You want to be as informed as possible before speaking with people, and you also don’t want their stories to affect your research.

Perhaps most of what I have written here is common sense. Locating sources and designing projects usually comes one of two ways: 1) reading the historiography and finding a gap 2) randomly stumbling onto a really cool source. If I had to recommend a path, I’d usually pick number two, but that rarely happens. Instead, most of us read the literature, craft our question, and look for archives before devouring their finding aids. Then, once we’re in the archive we dig through box after box checking items off of our list. It’s a fairly simple process.

I hope my personal reflections help complicate that process a little bit and prompt us think through how and where we find sports in the archives. Research requires finding, evaluating, and understanding our sources. Knowing how they’re preserved and collected helps us along in that process as does experience. Conversations with our advisors and archivists are critical. It’s always a good idea to introduce yourself and your project ahead of time via email or phone. Familiarizing yourself with the collections and archive policies helps you be more productive when you arrive. Some archives require advance notice to retrieve certain collections from off-site storage. If possible, do the same once you arrive. Ask questions about the finding aids (always ask if there are more). They might interpret a category differently than you. Developing a good rapport with the archivist and the staff will help things flow smoothly. They might have suggestions of different things to look at and know of events or stories not immediately obvious from your preliminary preparation. While we often begin our research following process number one described above, the new discoveries and cool sources from process number two can quickly emerge.

Finally, I know that we all have had different experiences doing research. Many of you have also recently completed summer research trips. Sharing our individual experiences and processes doing research is a great way to collaborate and enhance our collective work in the subfield. If you have something to add or expand upon please add it in the comments below.

Andrew McGregor is a PhD Candidate in History at Purdue University and the founder of this blog. You can reach him via email at amcgrego@purdue.edu or on Twitter: @admcgregor85

Sport History in the Digital Age: Muhammad Ali, Digitised Newspapers and Distant Reading

This post is about a number of different things. It’s about Muhammad Ali, cultural memory, names, the press, the civil rights era and racial discourse. More than anything however, the words that follow are about exploring new ways of doing historical work in the digital age.

Michael Ezra, author of Muhammad Ali: the Making of an Icon and chair of the American Multicultural Studies Department at Sonoma State University, calls Ali the most written about person in history. Not the most written-about boxer in history, or the most written-about sportsperson in history, or even the most written-about American; but the most written-about person in history. Michael Ezra is a smart guy, his book is one of the most innovative and consummately researched accounts of Ali yet written, but you have to question the validity of such a claim. How could the weight of literature written about a boxer, albeit a hugely famous boxer, eclipse that of Jesus, Hitler, Stalin, the Prophet Muhammad or Napoleon? It seems a ridiculous notion. Yet, as incredible (and probably false) this assertion may be, there is a brief moment when even the most skeptical of sports historians might pause and wonder; ‘well, could he be…?’

What can be said with certainty, however, is that the collection of Ali histories is immense. He is the subject of countless books, movies, newspaper articles, television shows, songs, theatre productions, museum exhibitions and art installations – each seeking to understand him in new ways. So, what makes a PhD student from Australia think he can write something innovative about the man who may be (but probably isn’t) the most written about person in history?

Quite simply, I think I’ve found a fresh perspective – a digital one to be precise. Doing history via digital methods poses unique challenges and confronting these challenges forces us to think creatively about our methods and approaches to historical work. This fresh perspective on Ali is born from having to confront some of the epistemic and philosophical challenges posed by the digital age. I don’t propose that I may be able to uncover these new understandings of Ali because I am smarter or harder working than the scholars that have come before me – but rather because I have been forced to think creatively about doing history via digital methods.

We now teach, write and research with access to what Digital Humanities scholar David M. Berry calls the ‘infinite archive’ – where source material is digital, abundant and (generally) readily available. The infinite archive is not a single website or database, you can’t ‘visit’ it. Rather, it is an idea: a conceptualisation of the incredible abundance of source material we now have access to. Whilst access to more sources instinctively feels like a good thing, the ‘infinite archive’ is often as problematic as it is exciting. Actually doing historical work with such an embarrassment of riches is complicated by a number of factors.

I will not attempt here even to briefly address all of the issues facing historians in the digital era. Other scholars, the late Roy Rosenzweig in particular, have discussed these concerns more comprehensively than I could hope to in a short blog post. I will however, share some of my experiences of working with digitized newspaper archives in the hope of opening up a dialogue about how to ‘do history’ when working with a glut of material.

My work currently revolves around 12 digitised North American newspapers that I have accessed via ProQuest Historical Newspapers. Most of you are undoubtedly familiar with ProQuest Historical Newspapers – a subscription based, online archive, with a number of different collections available for purchase. Among these is their Black Newspapers collection – a digital archive of nine important African American newspapers from the preceding two centuries. As you can imagine, access to these papers was a real boost for my research. The Black Newspaper collection along with archives of the New York Times, Los Angeles Times and the Washington Post, gave me an opportunity to examine the construction of Ali’s identity across multiple cultural, geographic, economic and political contexts.

It did come at a cost though. I won’t go into detail here, but my library’s purchase of a subscription to these collections only came about through a stroke of astronomically good fortune and at significant financial outlay. I say this not to gloat, but to allude to another problematic aspect of doing history with digital sources: financial and technological disparities within the academy. Were I a freelance researcher, or at a university with fewer resources, this project would never have come to be.

Issues of institutional inequality aside, my work with ProQuest Historical Newspapers also forced me to grapple with one of the digital age’s most challenging paradoxes: the idea that lots of source material might not always be such a great thing for historians. If we assume that each of these papers is a weekly publication (some are dailies) and each contains, on average, thirty pages (many have far more) – even narrowing my research to the years between 1964 and 1975 left me with 205,920 pages to read. It is simply not feasible to close-read, or even skim-read, 10 years worth of content from 12 newspapers in the hope of finding articles about Muhammad Ali. Such a task might not be accomplished in an entire career, let alone the three years it (hopefully) takes to complete a PhD.

In this situation, traditional methods such as close-reading are simply too time-consuming to be useful. So rather than scale back my research or use only one or two of the publications I was so lucky to be working with, I’ve spent the last year or so adapting and developing ways to analyse all of them. After all, it seems a shame not to read all the newspapers when they’re only a few mouse clicks away. I’m very pleased to say, not mention a little relieved, that these efforts have been quite fruitful.

Before I continue, I think it’s important to note that historians being forced to make methodological choices about which sources to work with and which ones to discard is not a situation unique to the digital age. Historians have always been challenged by large amounts of material – ours is a field that prides itself on understanding detail and nuance, understandings that often rely upon painstaking and time-consuming research methods. However, although the epistemic issues that characterise working with large bodies of material may not be new, they have certainly been exacerbated by digital technologies. The good news is that where digital technologies can create problems for us, they can also provide solutions.

ProQuest Historical Newspapers has a built-in search tool that scans the text of newspaper articles for words or phrases. Through this, I was able to find all articles containing the terms “Muhammad Ali” or “Cassius Clay” within a twelve-newspaper, ten-year range. The astounding thing is that the whole process takes less than a minute. However impressive this may be, it’s only half the battle. This search returned 20, 688 articles containing either “Muhammad Ali” or “Cassius Clay”, still far too many for me to read and analyse via close-reading.

It was at this point that I began to look closely at the work of Professor Franco Moretti, one of the great iconoclasts of twentieth century literary-scholarship. In his seminal Conjectures on World Literature essay (2000), Moretti detailed a process of using quantitative methods to analyse large amounts of literary material. He called this approach ‘distant reading’, and advocated its use as a research tool that allows us to see a body of texts in a broad, topographical way. In doing this, we can ‘look down’ upon a body of work and pick out the trends and concepts that interest us. Moretti himself admits that there are compromises inherent to the process. He notes that ‘distant reading’ reconstitutes texts in an abstracted way, and although graphs, maps and trees can be fantastic tools for viewing texts in a panoramic fashion, they lack the richness and complexity of traditional close-readings. Moretti argues however, “we always pay a price for theoretical knowledge: reality is infinitely rich; concepts are abstract, are poor. But it’s precisely this poverty that makes it easy to handle them, and therefore to know. This is why less is actually more.”

So I began to ‘distant read’ my group of twelve papers, creating a graphical comparison of how many times the terms “Cassius Clay” and “Muhammad Ali” appeared in the text of articles between 1964 and 1975. Choosing which words to base my distant reading upon is obviously a huge methodological decision. I chose to base my distant reading upon a comparison of how the American press used “Cassius Clay” and “Muhammad Ali” because key pieces of literature have implied that the press used Ali’s two names in certain ways depending upon how they felt about him with relation to race, religion and the Vietnam War.

This process produced the graph you can see below. I know it’s just a few lines and some numbers, but it’s hard to convey how exciting it was seeing this thing come together. Firstly because it meant I no longer had to spend hours punching numbers into Microsoft Excel spreadsheets, but also because there are some really clear trends that emerge from this graph.

 

DR Graph

This distant reading clearly indicates that there are significant, transitional events in 1964, 1967 and 1971 that affected how the press used Ali’s two names. For most historians, or indeed anyone with a basic knowledge of Ali’s career, these dates should sound familiar. Cassius Clay claimed his first heavyweight title in 1964 after defeating Sonny Liston in Miami. He changed his name to Muhammad Ali shortly thereafter. In 1967, known by this stage as much for his views on religion and race as for his boxing prowess, Ali was convicted of draft evasion after refusing to fight in Vietnam. Finally, in 1971 his draft-evasion conviction was overturned and he returned to boxing. Thus, it is not surprising that these dates correspond with spikes on the graph above. What I find interesting though, is what is inferred by the correlation between the trends on this graph and key events in Ali’s career.

My ‘distant reading’ suggests that the press’ use of the names “Muhammad Ali” and “Cassius Clay” is discursively linked to key events in 1964, 1967 and 1971. In itself, establishing this connection is not particularly groundbreaking. Ali’s two names have been used by a number of authors as an analogy for the progression of Ali’s identity: from Cassius Clay the brash young heavyweight – to Muhammad Ali the geopolitical figure. A few of Ali’s more skillful biographers, particularly David Remnick and Michael Ezra, have even hinted that his two names may have had their own agency in helping to construct Ali’s cultural identity. However, suggested links between Ali’s two names and his cultural identity were just that, suggestions. What this research does, that traditionally researched accounts could not, is to substantiate a previously implicit narrative of Ali’s cultural identity. Additionally, it also indicates the presence of an Ali story that potentially subverts previous understandings of the man; that within the American press he did not become “Muhammad Ali” until 1971 – a full seven years after his name change.

Ultimately though, this graph raises far more questions than it answers…and that’s a really good thing. A ‘distant reading’ such as this is not a magic bullet or an automatic history-machine. We can’t just plug an entire body of source material into a computer and expect it to spit out a rich, contextualized and rigorous historical analysis. That’s our job. What distant reading is really good at though, is suggesting which questions to ask, and also where we might find the answers. For me, this graph prompted the development of three research questions:

1) Why did the American press refuse to use “Muhammad Ali” between 1964 and 1967, preferring instead to call him “Cassius Clay”?

2) Why did the American press appear to re-evaluate the discourse regarding Ali’s ‘dual identity’ (Muhammad Ali & Cassius Clay) between 1967 and 1971?

3) Why did the American press embrace “Muhammad Ali” from 1971 onwards?

These are questions that can only be answered by good old-fashioned, close reading – getting down and dirty with the newspaper articles. In my next post, I hope to deliver some answers I’ve found to the questions posed above. In the meantime though, I’ll leave you with this: distant reading, when coupled with traditional close-reading and analysis, is a valuable and viable method of organising large quantities of historical material and can help us to develop meaningful and targeted research questions.

For further reading on ‘Distant Reading’ see:

- Nicholson, Bob. “The Digital Turn: Exploring the Methodological Possibilities of Digital Newspaper Archives.” Media History 19, no. 1 (2013): 59 – 73.

- Moretti, Franco. Distant Reading. London: Verso, 2013.

For further reading on Ali, particularly his relationship with the media, see:

- Ezra, Michael. Muhammad Ali: The Making of an Icon. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2009.

- Remnick, David. King of the World: Muhammad Ali and the Rise of an American Hero. London: Picador, 2000.

Steve Townsend

PhD Student at the University of Queensland (Australia)

Human Movement Studies

s.townsend@uq.edu.au


 

Regional Powerhouses: Why the State Champ is from DFW

I was on vacation in 2009. I spent a week with my sister in California without any other family. It was in March, a safe time of year to travel without children since my husband was “out of season” in the spring that year. My sister, my nephew and I took a trip to Reno, Nevada to see the local flair and check out a few artists for my nephew’s first tattoo. While he was interviewing his potential artist, looking over portfolios, and viewing his artwork on the walls, Sis and I leafed through a few of the other portfolios and discussed regional culture.

My sister and her family are sporty; they snowboard, hike, mountain bike, skateboard, and race motocross. She never misses a toughmudder race and her husband is a cross fit champion in his own right. They are fit people with a plethora of competitive highways they speed down fearlessly together. We reached a point in our conversation when she wanted me to explain how football was more “sport” than all the things they did. How a team with ‘fat kids’ at the line could be thought of as more athletic than her son, the peak of physical fitness. I stumbled around with the question, not really being able to rationalize why football players were so much more acclaimed than other athletes. Finally, I resolved that it was a regional difference and that culture had a lot to do with what was valued.

Just before we were able to really get into the depths of how sport and identity are refracted through culture and dispersed in different places around the country, we were startled by a scream from the piercer’s room. This was not your normal painful burst because a needle was stabbed through some part of the body one thought earned the right to adorn jewelry. This was a certifiable horror flick scream with a whimper at the end. One that made you believe the person was missing a limb or their left eye. Moments later, a young girl wearing pink cowboy boots, a pink and purple argyle cardigan over a white camisole and a fray bottomed blue jean skirt came bouncing out of the piercer’s booth. She bounded into the lobby of the tattoo parlor and startled leafing through portfolios.

“Y’all take walk-ins?” Her accent was unmistakable. I pegged it down as soon as I heard her speak and I couldn’t resist in responding.

“What did you have pierced?” I was helping the tattoo parlor attendant, Jake, who looked as if he may run her off for thinking she could handle a little butterfly piece or even a line of script after the scream she just polluted our world with moments earlier.

“Oohhh! My ear at the top! Ain’t it cute?” She was beaming while pointing to her ear.

“You’re kidding right? You screamed like that for an ear piercing?” My tone was level, suggesting she was a pansy. She didn’t like it. Her eyes narrowed and she threw one hip to the side.

Just before she opened her mouth, I said, “Bless your heart!” This is the phrase that does it. It reveals your Texas roots and ask for a fight.

“Where are you from?” She was curious now.

“Texas, you?”

“Texas … Van, Texas. Ever heard of it?”

“Yep.” I waited.

“It’s in East Texas. We went three rounds deep in playoffs last year.” The look was cold and collected. The tattoo parlor was completely quiet, everyone looking at us as we ‘faced off.’

“That’s nice. We won the state game and set the record for the most points scored in a 4A state Championship. I’m from East Texas too. Our quarterback went to Auburn and our left tackle’s been at Texas A&M since January.” Check mate.

“Oh really? Did we play y’all?”

“No. You’re a 3A. We are a bigger school. You gonna try your hand at the tattoo needle? I find it to be painless.” I tipped my head toward the portfolio she was holding.

“No, I don’t think so; not today anyway.” She closed the portfolio and walked out of the parlor.

On the way out she called back, “Congrats on your state win! I bet your town is proud!”

“Thanks! We are!” The door shut quietly and I turned back to my book.

Jake said, “That was intense … did you seriously run her off with some baseball story?”

“Jake, darlin’ quarterbacks and left tackles don’t play baseball. They’re real athletes,” I chuckled.

Though this may seem far fetched I promise to the moon and back it’s a true story. It is also an experience that made me realize how dominant regional football can be in Texas. Here was this young girl, in her early twenties, maybe even just graduated and she knew that her identity was somehow shaped by the success of her football team as well as the region they played in. I was also aware that this may be the only year I could have ever said “champion” and “win” in this discussion. I actually wasn’t sure that my town was in East Texas. It could have easily have been in the Dallas/Ft Worth metroplex region. It was a liminal town. The district lines, redrawn by UIL every two years  dictated its fate and regional associations. For a further understanding of this, here is a great explanation from pop culture. In any case, the area that you play football makes a difference with regards to who you are. We were in Reno, Nevada, folks!

These identities are attached to records: I will look at them in seven regions, although there are a couple of little pockets where regional identities have manifested themselves; North Texas and the Golden Triangle for example.

South Texas

With a deeply Mexican influence, South Texas flourishes with music, art, and languages. However, it also has a reputation for weak showings in state championship wins. From 1950 – 2009, the region can only boast a total of twelve state wins at every level from 1A – 5A. This doesn’t mean that South Texas schools have little to offer students or that it is not a desirable place to live. It does, however mean that those residents would have been ‘less’ than the little pansy girl from Van, Texas in Texas language.

There are many factors that contribute to the lack of football success in South Texas. Football is a physical sport and while Mexican Americans are extremely tough, they are also very attached to soccer. Soccer programs flourish in South Texas. Additionally, this is the most impoverished section of the state and often times economically disadvantaged districts lose athletes to the workplace. The numbers are not there and the culture of South Texas does not privilege football like other areas. Moreover, the focus on English Language learning may take precedent over athletics in many districts. Therefore, it has nothing to do with identity yet everything to do with identity.

San Antonio / Austin

Moving north, into the area of Central Texas, the Austin and San Antonio metropolitan area combined have won 26 state championship titles in all levels between 1950 and 2009. I suspect that while the diversity is still very high in these areas, socioeconomic and population factors play the largest parts in the increase of championships secured. When we look at these areas, there are simply more athletes to play and more money to support the programs through booster clubs and other avenues. While Austin is the place to be a music star and San Antonio houses a majority of Texas historical sites, you still aren’t truly Texan if you played ball there. Unfortunately, you also aren’t really a legendary coach if you coach here. That is except for the program at Converse Judson who has won several state championships and a long run of great teams. We can see that same thing with the Austin Westlake and Lake Travis programs. Anyone who knows anything about Texas football knows they break the mold.

Central Texas

Moving into the heart of Texas; south of Dallas/Ft Worth, north of Austin, northwest of Houston, we have a concentration of schools that boast 49 wins between 1950 – 2009. This jump can be most attributed to great collaboration between high school coaches and local college staff. Basically, the demographics are not any different but you find these programs in the Texas A&M, Baylor, University of Texas triangle. This increase the amount of interest on football programs and makes recruiting much easier. Therefore, student athletes are often much more motivated to perform and are more likely to be engrossed in football culture. With that being said, this area can be seen as consistent. There are no powerhouse teams to brag about and not much wow factor from the central part go the state.

Houston

With a staggering 62 championships between 1950 and 2009, Houston comes in fourth on the list. This is most likely attributed to a mother jump in economic factors, but not exclusively. Houston is Texas’ strongest economy and with the addition of green energy in the next ten years is likely to rival any market in the nation. The correlation between money and wins is obviously not as strong as it is in other identity factors. Houston is a great place with lots of culture and diversity. However, it has struggled to maintain an athletic identity in football at the professional level because it has always competed with the Cowboys from Dallas, America’s team. I can’t track it in numbers but I am betting that this has something to do with high school programs in the area and the way they view their location in the state’s sports history. Moreover, Houston is a talented area and has high college recruitment activity in many sports, but particularly in football. However, the area’s rapid growth often make it hard to establish programs before a district builds a new school and splits the population. This could be a reason why we do not see more championships from the area.

Dallas / Ft Worth

Coming in third among the seven, DFW can brag on their 74 state championships and believe me they will if you give them a chance. One of the biggest factors in the jump, which isn’t as large as DFW would like it to be, is training. Many of the student athletes in this area are bred and trained to perform. One of the major factors to masculinity in the Dallas area is your ability to play ball. Additionally, Dallas hosts the largest number of academy organizations in the state for pop warner and little league sports. Retired NFL star, Deion Sanders chose to make the area his home base for his charter schools named Prime Academy. Randy Allen’s Highland Park Scots will often hire extra strength and conditioning coaches and nutritionist as young as 12 to prepare for their four years of high school football. With these types of activities, I think I can say that money is a factor in the success of the area. Also, Dallas is the only city in the state to house a professional team in five major sports; hockey, football, basketball, baseball, and soccer. The Dallas Cowboys were the poster team for football during the Tom Landry years and again in the 90’s when the team won three Super Bowls. There is a lot to live up to in Dallas. If you’re a young man and you play for Highland Park, Southlake Carroll, or Celina, you’re something to be treasured. If you’re at Allen High School and played on Friday night before your senior year, you’re a demigod.

East Texas

Covering the area ‘behind the pine curtain’ East Texas hosts 80 wins between 1950 and 2009. This place has produced talent like Earl Campbell, Jeremiah Trotter, LaMichael James, Billy Sims, Ryan Mallett, and Lovie Smith. It is never hard to find an East Texas player in each level of football across the nation. East Texas is serious about its football but only beats DFW by six titles because it grows slower. While East Texas is only about 75 miles from the edge of the DFW metroplex, they are easily 50 years behind in most ways. Once you hit the band of pine trees that encase the east region of the state, you might as well change the radio to the oldies and prepare to move a little slower. This ideology helps to make players tough and they show it every time they get to play the city boys. Football is hard-nosed and gritty in East Texas. The whole town comes out to support the team and the band plays louder than you can imagine. This unified tradition will probably always keep them a little ahead of the DFW area even as it grows. There is something about being an East Texas head coach that nobody can touch. There is even more to a being an East Texas powerhouse like Gilmer, Carthage, Tatum, Longview, John Tyler, Lufkin and Daingerfield to let people know who you are. Football is your identity in East Texas. This is probably the reason I chose East Texas for my label in the standoff with the pansy from Van.

West Texas

Topping the charts with the most state titles between 1950 and 2009 is West Texas, everything west of Ft Worth, Austin and San Antonio, with 101 state championships. The highes concentratin of championships came in the 50s and 60s beating the other regions by double in those decades. During this time, the oilfields were booming and players were moved out there to play while daddy got a great paying job and mommy got a new house. This contributed to the domination of West Texas until the integration of schools in the 70s at which point West Texas and East Texas began to produce the same amount of numbers with the west only boasting two more wins in the 70s and 2 more than the east in the 80s. The oilfields of the west and the steel factories of the east proved to be major selling points to minority families who were looking for the fast track to equity. These recruitment devices helped build tradition and maintain record holders. More importantly, the deep desire to be a champion lead the way for a minority group of people to become dominant in a world that refused to acknowledge them. Football was king and for the young black man of the 70s and 80s it was power.

Today’s stats:

In the overhanging records since 2009, DFW is making a push to kill the identity of the west. With oilfields drying up and a turn to green energy in the next decade, DFW and Houston seem to be in prime locations for the largest population boom contributing to the best projected chances for state championships. With the building of Allen’s 65 million dollar stadium and the contracting of state championship games to be played at Jerry’s World for the next few years, it seems all eyes are on Dallas. More importantly, DFW has a way of making the win BIGGER than the others. Dallas identity has a way of always looking at even the guy with the state ring and saying, “Bless your heart!” It throws down the gauntlet on identity and prestige. Even if DFW doesn’t become the next powerhouse region, you will never convince them of it. Since 2010, DFW has secured 11 state championships ahead of the west and east who are tied with seven. Get ready folks, the city boys are about to be the tradition. Look to them to see how Texas football identity will be shaped in the next 25 years.

 

Moorea Coker teaches AP Literature and adjuncts at a Junior college in Texas. Follow her on Twitter @polypel88 or reach her by email: mooreacoker@gmail.com

A Primer Concerning the Role of Latinos in US Sport: The 1961 Donna, Texas Redskins and the Texas State Football Championship

by: Jorge Iber, PhD
Texas Tech University

Since this is my first post, it is necessary to provide readers with a sense of the development of this writer’s academic interest in the topic of Latinos and sport.  My undergraduate degree is not in history, but rather in the area of business management.  After a few years in banking, my thoughts turned to teaching, and eventually, graduate school.  Upon arriving at the University of Utah to pursue a doctorate in the history of the American West, I became acquainted with Larry Gerlach and his work on sport.  This was a revelation as athletics was not necessarily an area of possible academic inquiry for me.  Although my program did not allow time to take a class on this topic (my dissertation and first book focused on Mexican Americans and their experiences in Utah[1]), a series of discussions with Professor Gerlach over the years wetted my appetite.  Upon arriving on the campus of Texas Tech University in 1997, a colleague (who taught baseball history) mentioned that there was an individual by the name of Bobby Cavazos who had played football for the Red Raiders in the 1950s and whose story might be an effective blend of my academic interests.  After presenting papers on Cavazos, and publishing articles on his career, it became apparent that his was not the only “story” of this kind and that Texas history most likely held similar tales.  Thus, began my study of the history of Latino athlete that has lasted now for almost two decades, and has generated several publications.[2]

Any reader who undertakes a concerted review of the academic literature of American sports quickly realizes that an examination of the ties between sport and various ethnic and minority groups has been a primary focus of scholars.  Not surprisingly, a crucial concentration of such studies has been the examination of the relationship between African Americans and athletics.  For example, Jules Tygiel’s work on Jackie Robinson, Janet Bruce’s study of the Kansas City Monarchs, Rob Ruck’s study on black Pittsburgh, and Michael Lomax’s study on African American baseball entrepreneurs, are but a few examples of the many fine works done on this group and their sporting experiences in the US.  Likewise, writers such as C. Richard King, John Bloom, and William C. Kashatus have examined the role of sport in the lives of Native Americans. Others have shed light on the role of sport in the lives of Jews, Italian Americans and Asian Americans.[3]  Thus, the magnitude of the relationship between sport and these communities is firmly established and beyond dispute.

This, however, had not been the case with Latinos and athletics, as part of their historical experience had been, until recently, largely overlooked.  One key reason for this gap was, quite simply, because the “times” of the Chicano Movement (say, 1965-1980) and the development of this academic field focused primarily upon other historical aspects: the labor movement, resistance against discrimination, ethnic self-determination, the rise of important civic and community leaders, and similar topics.  Given the political and social context of the times, such themes were certainly worth examining and analyzing.  Still, the overall focus of the research was on social history, and as scholars who have written about the groups noted above have demonstrated, sports history is an effective way to pursue social history.

Among the first individuals who turned the academic gaze upon the role of sports in the daily existence of Latinos were Samuel O. Regalado and Richard Santillan.  Beginning in the late 1980s and into the early 1990s, these two scholars began systematic examinations of topics such as Spanish-surnamed players in the majors, the minors, and the development of community leagues.  Two of Regalado’s most important early essays demonstrated first, the importance of barrio-based baseball in Los Angeles; and second, how the Dodgers worked to reach out to this important community upon their arrival in southern California from Brooklyn.  Additionally, Santillan’s studies demonstrated the historical longevity, the social consequence, and pride-sustaining influence of Mexican ligas (leagues) and teams in locales throughout the Midwest.[4]  My research utilized these fine works as models, and eventually led me to the story of the 1961 Donna High School Redskins; the only team from the Rio Grande Valley ever to win a state title in football (otherwise known as Texas’ other religion).

Since many readers may not be familiar with Lone Star State geography, it is necessary to point out some quick basics about the area that is known to Texans simply as “the Valley.”  This section is located in the deep-south portion of the state and is comprised of Cameron, Hidalgo, Starr and Willacy counties.  The locales are overwhelmingly comprised of Latinos (mostly of Mexican descent).  While important players and teams from this region have made their mark in high school football history, the predominant perception among “those in the know” about the sport is that the gridiron quality here (both historically and currently) pales in comparison with other sectors of Texas.[5]  Indeed, one legendary coach who arrived in the early 1960s and spent many years in the region was initially advised to avoid the area, as “the Valley was 80% Mexican American, and everybody knew Mexican Americans were poor football players.”[6]  Another reason for the low regard for Valley football was because many of the players did not have a chance to condition themselves for the upcoming fall over the summer off season; with many having to help families by toiling as migrant workers.  The events of 1961 would challenge many of the assumptions about Mexican American athletes and Valley football.

The story of the Redskins[7] begins with the hiring of Earl Scott to coach the squad in 1960.  Scott was familiar with the “challenges” of leading mostly Mexican American teams, as he had previously coached at Laredo High School with a modicum of success.[8]  While the Redskins were picked as one of the top teams in their district for 1961, they were certainly not perceived as possible challengers for state-wide supremacy in the AA classification.  The team consisted of 18 players, 10 of whom were of Mexican descent.  The season did not start well, as Donna lost its first two (non-district) games.  However, the team recovered to complete a perfect in-district campaign, and earned a spot in the playoffs.  By this time, the Redskins hit their stride and won each game to move on to the state finals against an undefeated team from Quanah.  Before moving on to the title game, a brief note about one of the playoff matchups is necessary.  In a regional game against Sweeny High (won by Donna 32-14), one of the coaches for Sweeny asked Scott “Can these pepper bellies play? I mean, you never hear of any of them in the Southwest Conference.”  Later, as the captains went out for the coin toss, a Sweeny player asked whether the young men representing Donna were actual players or merely team mascots.  In other words, this opponent did not deem the Mexican Americans on the Donna team to be worthy to share the same football field with the white athletes on the Sweeny side.

The title game was thrilling, and the Redskins eventually prevailed 28-21 against an overwhelming favorite.  Some reporters from that era lavished praised on Scott (and deservedly so), but provided but the faintest of praise for the Mexican American athletes who overcame great odds to win a title.  The significance of the victory, however, did not escape the notice of the players, and the mostly Spanish-surnamed community.  One member of the team, Abel Benavides (a running back), summarized the importance of football to these athletes by stating that the sport “gave me a much better outlook on life.  In football we all grew together.  In this town, I went through the front door.”

In later years, other residents of Donna provided further support concerning the importance of the team and what it accomplished.  One example will suffice to make this point.  Another member of the team, Oscar Avila, when interviewed in 2002, stated that during one visit to his hometown an older gentleman approached and inquired as to whether he was a member of the ’61 team.  When he responded affirmatively, the man turned to his wife and said, “Este es uno de los Avilas que jugo en el equipo del ’61 cuando les ensellamos a los gringos que nosotros tambien sabiamos jugar football.” (“This is one of the Avila boys who played for the ’61 team when we showed the gringos that we too knew how to play football”).

Like the better known stories of the 1966 Texas Western Miners and the 1963 Loyola Ramblers, the story of the 1961 Donna Redskins provides an important example of the value of combining both the history of sport and that of an ethnic minority group.[9]  This is the goal of my research in this area.  Part of the power of sport for ethnic and racial minorities in the US has been to challenge assumptions about such groups.  A substantial amount of the spade work for African Americans, Jews, Native Americans and others has been done.  It is time to begin the process of integrating the nation’s largest minority group, the Latino/a population, into this literature.  The story of the 1961 Donna Redskins is but one example of such work.


Notes:

[1] Jorge Iber, Hispanics in the Mormon Zion, 1912-1997 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2001).

[2] Among some of the works I have published, please see: “Mexican Americans of South Texas Football: The Athletic and Coaching Careers of E.C. Lerma and Bobby Cavazos, 1932-1965,” Southwestern Historical Quarterly 55 (April 2002): 616-633; (co-edited with Samuel O. Regalado) Mexican Americans and Sport: A Reader on Athletics and Barrio Life (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2007); (co-authored with Jose Alamillo, Arnoldo De Leon and Samuel O. Regalado) Latinos in U.S. Sport: A History of Isolation, Cultural Identity, and Acceptance (Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics, 2011); More than Just Peloteros: Sport and U.S. Latino Communities (Lubbock: Texas Tech University Press, 2014-forthcoming); and (co-authored with Lee Maril) Latino American Wrestling Experience: Over 100 Years of Wrestling Heritage in the United States (Stillwater, OK: National Wrestling Hall of Fame, e-book, 2014).

[3]  This list is but a sample of the works in this area, and is not exhaustive.  Rob Ruck, Sandlot Seasons: Sport in Black Pittsburgh (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993); Jules Tygiel, Baseball’s Great Experiment: Jackie Robinson and His Legacy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983); Janet Bruce, The Kansas City Monarchs: Champions of Black Baseball (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1985);  Michael E. Lomax, Black Baseball Entrepreneurs, 1860-1901: Operating by Any Means Necessary (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2003); C. Richard King, Native Athletes in Sport and Society: A Reader (Lincoln, NE: Bison Books, 2006); John Bloom, To Show What An Indian Can Do: Sports at Native American Boarding Schools (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2005); William C. Kashatus, Money Pitcher: Chief Bender and the Tragedy of Indian Assimilation (College Park: Penn State University Press, 2006);  Peter Levine, Ellis Island to Ebbets Field: Sport and the American Jewish Experience (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Gary Ross Mormino, “The Playing Fields of St. Louis: Italian Immigrants and Sports, 1925-1941,” Journal of Sports History 9 (Summer 1982): 5-19 and Joel S. Franks, Crossing Sidelines, Crossing Cultures: Sport and Asian Pacific American Cultural Citizenship (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 2000).

[4] Samuel O. Regalado, Viva Baseball!: Latin Major Leaguers and Their Special Hunger (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998); “Baseball in the Barrios: The Scene in East Los Angeles since World War II,” Baseball History 1 (Summer 1996): 47-59; and “Dodgers Beisbol Is on the Air: The Development and Impact of Dodgers’ Spanish-language Broadcasts, 1958-1994,” California History (Fall 1995): 282-289.  Richard Santillan, “Mexican Baseball Teams in the Midwest: The Politics of Cultural Survival and Civil Rights,” Perspectives in Mexican American Studies 7 (2000): 131-152.   Another major contributor to the history of Latino participation in baseball is Adrian Burgos.  Please see: Playing America’s Game: Baseball, Latinos and the Color Line (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007) and Cuban Star: How One Negro-League Owner Changed the Face of Baseball (New York: Hill and Wang, 2011).

[5]  Greg Selber, Border Ball: The History of High School Football in the Rio Grande Valley (Deer Park, NY: Linus Publications, 2009) and Cathy Harasta, “Grande Memories: ’61 Donna Team Remains Valley’s Only State Champs,” Dallas Morning News, October 27, 1999, 44-48.

[6] Charlie Williams, “South Texas Football,” Texas Coach (April 1979): 37 and 60.

[7] While there is much controversy surrounding this term at the moment, I felt it imperative to use it in this article so as to provide proper historical context.  The folks in Donna still proudly proclaim themselves to be “Redskins” and I believe it would have been disrespectful on my part to challenge them concerning the use of this term for this story.

[8] All of the following materials are from: Jorge Iber, “On Field Foes and Racial Misperceptions: The 1961 Donna Redskins and Their Drive to the Texas State Football Championship,” in Jorge Iber and Samuel O. Regalado,   Mexican Americans and Sport: A Reader on Athletics and Barrio Life (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2007): 121-144.

[9] See: Frank Fitzpatrick, And the Walls Came Tumbling Down (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1999) and Lew Freedman, Becoming Iron Men: The Story of the 1963 Loyola Ramblers (Lubbock: Texas Tech University Press, 2014).

Baseball Dreams Deferred: The Story of the Cannon Street YMCA All-Stars (Part I)

When Andrew first pitched the idea of putting together this public forum on sport history, I was hesitant to join. The idea of publicly sharing things that I’ve written has always given me an irrational fear, a feeling that I’m standing in front of a room in my underwear.  However, the chance to work with such talented scholars deeply interested in sports and its larger cultural role in our world was too good to pass up.  As many of you can attest, being a sports fan can be a lonely experience in graduate school. I can count on my fingers and toes the number of times my cries for relief from Tony Romo’s nightmarish fourth quarter meltdowns have been met with blank stares from my colleagues.  Like they say in the Baptist church, it is “good to be in the number.” This post marks a reunion of sorts.  After a slight intellectual detour to examine student activism in South Carolina, it excites me greatly to resume study of the Cannon Street Y.M.C.A. All-Stars and their valiant attempt to desegregate Little League.  Much of the credit for the team’s story going public belongs to the team’s unofficial historian Gus Holt, a tireless advocate for fairness and equity in youth athletics. The Post and Courier’s Gene Sapakoff, Margo Theis Raven, and the Charleston Riverdogs also deserve a tip of the cap for their support of the team. In keeping with this spirit, we are in the planning stages of a campaign to have the All-Stars invited to the White House.  This is a link is our first promotional video.  More information will be made available soon. 

On a gorgeous, sun-kissed late August afternoon, a capacity crowd of spectators gathered at Original Little League Field in Williamsport, Pennsylvania to witness the championship game of the 1955 Little League World Series (LLWS) between upstart, sentimental favorites from nearby Morrisville and a talented, resilient squad from neighboring Delaware Township, New Jersey.  The climactic struggle of youth baseball’s annual summer showcase, broadcast to millions of households nationwide and beyond America’s borders by CBS, provided Little League with a powerful platform to impress viewers and continue the sport’s amoeba-like development into a global phenomenon.  During the first decade after World War Two, Little League expanded from twelve leagues in a single state to more than 3,300 leagues in the United States, Canada, the Panama Canal Zone, and Mexico.

Those privileged enough to watch the final game of the 1955 series were treated to quite a spectacle.  Original Field, a bowl-shaped emerald surrounded by lush forests, was a child’s “Field of Dreams.” The freshly painted red and yellow striped foul poles, a color scheme selected by local kids, shone like eagerly licked candy.  Above the center field bleachers, a huge, white sign shouted to the world, “Welcome to the Little League World Series!” Adult volunteers and league officials added seriousness to the event.  The pregame ceremonies, attended by dignitaries such as Pennsylvania Governor George M. Leader and the highly esteemed General George C. Marshall, were accompanied by more than the usual pomp and circumstance.  Nearly every inch of the stadium was adorned with patriotic bunting.  American flags danced to the tune of the national anthem played by Fort Dix’s 173rd Army Band.  The two teams, momentarily forgotten amid the clamor, stood on opposing baselines.  The boys, neatly attired in their freshly cleaned uniforms conspicuously emblazoned with the names of their native states and corporate sponsors, waited eagerly for their chance to emulate big league heroes such as Ted Williams and Joe Dimaggio. 88 year-old pitching icon Cy Young threw the ceremonial first pitch in one of his last public appearances before his death a few weeks later.  It was a Rockwellian portrait of American athletic innocence, a sanitized and pristine homage to the nation’s postwar affluence and blinding whiteness.

Original Little League Field at Memorial Park, Williamsport, PA.

Original Little League Field at Memorial Park, Williamsport, PA.

Hidden in plain sight, not unlike the occasional porter in Rockwell’s classic paintings, was a smattering of black faces including a lanky twelve-year-old named George William “Billy” Hunter.  The Camden, New Jersey native, described by legendary African American sportswriter Sam Lacy as “one of the most popular kids in the tournament,” was a revelation on and off the field.  A jack-of-all-trades, Hunter pitched and played shortstop, center field, and catcher during the week-long competition.  In the semi-finals against Alabama, whose fans whooped and waved Confederate flags of all sizes, Hunter displayed the courage and athleticism made famous by his hero, Jackie Robinson.  After giving up a three-run home run in the first inning, Hunter bounced back with timely hitting and savvy base running to lead his team to a dramatic 6-4 victory.  After the game, his speed was put to even better use when dodging young female admirers.  The reluctant heartthrob continued his stellar play in the title game, hitting a single and a double during a 4-3 loss in extra innings.  For Little League officials and volunteers, Hunter’s success symbolized the importance of the ideals of good sportsmanship, honesty, loyalty, courage, and reverence they sought to implant within each player.  Moreover, his presence also lent credence to the organization’s commitment to concepts of racial tolerance and equality.  From its inception, Little League mandated integrated play in hopes that boys would learn that “their teammate is a pretty good fellow, no matter on which side of the railroad tracks he happens to live.”

The Cannon Street YMCA All-Stars at the championship game of the Little League World Series in Williamsport, PA, August 26, 1955.

The Cannon Street YMCA All-Stars at the championship game of the Little League World Series in Williamsport, PA, August 26, 1955.

Huddled in the bleachers along the third base line, ironically near a large banner which read “Welcome,” were fourteen African American boys from Charleston, South Carolina whose experience in Williamsport belied Little League’s ironclad commitment to integrated play.  Known as the Cannon Street Y.M.C.A. All-Stars, this team of 12-year-olds became embroiled in a racial controversy that forever changed youth baseball in the American South.  Nearly 15 months after the Supreme Court ruled in Brown v. Board of Education that segregated schools were unconstitutional, black YMCA officials entered the team into the “whites only” Charleston Little League tournament.  City recreation officials eventually canceled the event.  Winners by default, the All-Stars prepared to compete in the South Carolina state tournament.  In a show of “massive resistance,” white Little League officials, coaches, and parents gradually organized a mass boycott.  The Cannon Street team was ultimately denied the opportunity to compete in the LLWS but was invited to attend the final game as guests of Little League president Peter J. McGovern.  The following year, teams in seven southern states seceded from Little League and formed “Little Boys Baseball, Incorporated,” a segregated youth baseball organization that later became known as Dixie Youth Baseball.  This “Civil War” within youth baseball, sparked by the Cannon Street effort, was a pivotal moment in the African American freedom struggle in South Carolina and the nation.

This is the front cover of Dixie Youth Baseball's 50th Anniversary souvenir booklet which highlights its evolution from a segregated "whites only" league to its modern incarnation.  Its authors recognize South Carolina as the organization's birthplace but make no mention of the racial controversy that spawned it.

This is the front cover of Dixie Youth Baseball’s 50th Anniversary souvenir booklet which highlights its evolution from a segregated “whites only” league to its modern incarnation. Its authors recognize South Carolina as the organization’s birthplace but make no mention of the racial controversy that spawned it.

This year marks Little League’s 75th anniversary and offers a timely occasion to remember the story of the Cannon Street All-Stars and ponder the paltry state of youth baseball in African American communities.  Unlike its adult-centered counterpart, Little League’s official history lacks complexity and offers superficial analyses of racial and gender strife throughout its existence. The organization’s official website entitled “Little League, Big Legacy” includes a historical timeline and a series of vignettes featuring black professional ballplayers such as Brandon Phillips and Lloyd McClendon, each of whom share fond memories of their Williamsport experiences.  Despite honoring the team in 2002, Little League makes no mention of the Cannon Street saga in its online history.  This omission, honest or not, reveals much about Little League’s standing as a corporate entity that profits from its ability to meet a consumer demand–to sell youth recreation that reaffirms the myth of the level playing field and masks the hard realities of economic inequality and racial discrimination that have historically shaped both its imagined global neighborhood and its real suburban ones.

Similar to Major League baseball, where only 8.3% of players on opening day rosters were black, Little League has largely failed to reach kids in predominantly black communities.  Most blame hip-hop culture, the astronomical rise in single parent households, and the easy access and instant gratification found in other sports for the decline in black participation.  While these are all valid reasons, they place more of the blame for the sports’ decline on those without resources and access than the governing bodies that control the sport both internationally and in local neighborhoods.  In parts of the South affected by “Little League’s Civil War,” to what extent do hard feelings, racial stigmas, black poverty and modern-day gentrification serve as an additional burden dragging down baseball’s prospects for recovery?  In my next few posts, I will break the silence surrounding the desegregation of youth baseball; examine the role of Little League in America’s postwar liberal project; and address the impact of this historical legacy on African American participation in the national pastime.

Ramon Jackson is a doctoral candidate in History at the University of South Carolina.  Follow him on Twitter @RmJackson13 or reach him by email: rmjackso13@yahoo.com.

Texas Football and the Coach’s Wife: Ideology and Privilege

Since this is my first post, I will start by introducing myself and explaining how I came to be a part of this blog. I am deeply interested in the history of sports, not because it is my academic field of study, but because the history of sports directly effects the way I currently live from day to day. In addition to this interest, I am stricken by a duty to understand the location of women in sports. I do not have a desire to relate to the women who play sports; there is quite enough of that happening on their behalf. I also do not care to comment or discuss the women who coach sports as they are more than capable of speaking for themselves through the things they do to build equity. I am more concerned with the women who watch sports, support behind the scenes and are effected by the culture of sports. I am interested in how the history of sports, particularly Texas high school football, has shaped the role of women in Texas culture. I am also interested in the victories and defeats of Texas high school teams. With that being said, I found Andrew McGregor on Twitter (what a great world we live in) and submitted to him as a contributor.

I currently hold a Master of Arts in English with a focus on film and popular culture from Texas A&M University – Commerce. I am working on a Master of Education in educational technology and leadership from Lamar University. I work full time as an Advanced Placement Literature teacher at a Texas high school and adjunct at one of my local junior colleges. I regularly attend film conferences to present research while working on various projects for publication.

I live in a state, work within a system and live in a household that is both dominated by and privileged by the institution of Texas high school football. In 1971, Louis Althusser wrote On Ideology where he asserts “ideology represents the imaginary relationship of individuals to their real conditions” (37). Texas high school football is an Althusserian ideological state apparatus. Its culture is sheltered under the umbrella of the school; it is silent.

The University Interscholastic League was formed in 1913 as the governing body for extra curricular academic, athletic and music contests.  By 1945, 45,790 people were gathered to watch the Highland Park vs Waco state championship game at the Cotton Bowl. With roots in middle class white ideologies, UIL did not govern the African American schools at this time. That was done by the PVIL (Prairie View Interscholastic League) which started in 1920 and continued on a limited basis from 1965-1970 when it was disbanded. UIL decided to include African American schools in 1965 in the face of the civil-rights movement. Title nine later provided equity for female athletes and coaches. However, the prevailing ideology is still predominately male and white.

Shannon Sullivan writes about critical race theory and I think it is fitting to compare the early constructions of Texas football to her statements about middle class white women.

“Because of male privilege, white middle-class women tend to have gendered habits that lead them to downplay their own point of view. When a woman does this, it is not just her perspective as a woman that is hidden. Her perspective as a white and middle-class person are also made invisible. Her invisibility as a woman strengthens the invisibility of her classed white privilege, and the effect of male privilege on her gendered habits interfere with her ability to see or understand her raced and classed habits” (Sullivan 12).

This is the location of women who are privileged by the institution of Texas football, particularly the coach’s wife.

Highland Park, one of the oldest and wealthiest communities in the state of Texas, has long been a part of football history. Randy Allen, head coach of the Scots, is one of the most successful active head coaches in Texas. His wife Carolyn Allen has made it her calling to help support the community of coach’s wives as she has spent most of her life in that role. Her book, aptly titled The Coach’s Wife is a staple at coaching clinic tables, coaching school and marriage conferences. Many women have been provided this handbook by another coach’s wife or by their husbands returning from clinics. It is a well written book with interviews of over four hundred women who share their stories and trials being the woman behind the man. It is dogmatic and linear in its approach and it suggests that you are as important to his career as he is responsible for completing his job. It is also written from the privilege of wealth and whiteness. In addition to her book, she hosts a social network for coaches’ wives and blogs regularly. She is the Oprah Winfrey of the Texas coaching wife world.

Unfortunately, her work is juxtaposed to the work of feminists and the marching feet of civil rights activists. I do not mean to say that the book or her website is blatantly racist or sexist because it is not in any way. As a matter of fact, most of its suggestions rest in the biblical idea of marriage (minus the section on keeping up your appearance for the community). What the book highlights for me is what Althusser and Shannon Sullivan point to regarding prevailing ideologies and racial privilege. Although she is really trying to help women, she is also oppressing them by suggesting they are only an extension of the men they married. Carolyn Allen shares a moment in her life when she met her husband, Randy, as a pre-med student at Texas A&M University. This caused there to make a choice. “As soon as we became engaged, I redirected my career path to teaching … blessed and happy with my young family, it was an easy choice to sacrifice ‘things’ in exchange for time with those I loved” (Allen, 65).

Another part of the book that reinforces male privilege and hides under the guise of a woman’s perspective is an exchange between two other wives. In the same chapter on career and fulfillment Allen tells how “one young coach’s wife told her friend, “I just have not found my passion yet,” to which her friend replied, “Oh yes you have. Your husband is your passion!” There’s nothing wrong with that, either” (Allen, 64).

I am a coach’s wife. I am white. I am middle class. My children are all honors students and athletes. We attend a local Baptist church where we worship. In the state of Texas, that is all I need to get a job. It is all I have to be to teach other people’s children. I am very aware of this privilege. I do not abuse it. I work outside of it. To this extent, football “ideology has a material existence” (Althusser 37). I have turned down jobs at my husband’s school because I knew it was from privilege. I am driven and well educated. I want a job because of my professional qualifications, not my marriage bed.

I don’t mean to say that women who follow their husbands from place to place teaching what they are assigned are in some way inferior. On the contrary, a coach’s wife is fiercely independent, capable, and strong. She spends hours alone and even more time as a single parent due to his work schedule. She balances budgets that never seem to stretch far enough due to his pay. Coaches wives are not the stereotypical 50s housewife that felt ‘left out’ because they are very involved with his world. They attend games, sit next to their husbands at banquets, and shake hands at fundraisers. However, they are extensions of his identity in that role. For their work, they are guaranteed a place (a job) in his world (education). A place that might just as well be served by a highly educated minority.

With all of that being said, I will watch old game film this summer and attend two-a-day practices and watch from the car. I will read the sports page, make predictions about the games, read up on the screen pass and the odd front defense. I will do all this because I want to be informed about the games I will attend on Friday night, not because it helps my husband be a better coach (it doesn’t). I will use the knowledge I have to reach struggling readers in my classroom as I draw connections between narrative structure and defensive formations.

It is the way that I can continue the work of feminists who wanted equity not in spite of male privilege but because of male privilege. My hope is that my contribution to this blog will help to uncover the women behind the history of football in Texas high schools. I know that Carolyn Allen, in her own way, was half responsible for all of Randy’s success. I know that she made a name for herself from the location she lived. I also know that every woman is different and that not all coaching wives can just be an extension of their husband. And they should not have to be.

Moorea Coker teaches AP Literature and adjuncts at a Junior college in Texas. Follow her on Twitter @polypel88 or reach her by email: mooreacoker@gmail.com

Follow Me and I Will Make You Pitchers to Men: Endicott Peabody and the Dawn of Muscular Christianity

Since this is my first post, I’ll introduce myself and how I found my topic.  My name is Hunter Hampton, and I am a Ph.D. candidate in history at Mizzou.  I am working on a dissertation on muscular Christianity in 20th century America.  Unlike some of my colleagues that popped out of the womb with a desire to be an academic and a dissertation topic in hand, I stumbled into the profession and my project.  During my master’s program, I took a historiography class.  The professor gave all of the students the assignment of finding an untouched subject on which to write our final paper.  He told us that it should be a topic that would hold our interest for over a decade.  I froze.  I had no idea what to write about.  After I met with my professor to ease my concerns, he asked me what interests me.  I told him I liked sports, the American West, and religion.  With a shrug, he wished me happy hunting.  After a few weeks of searching online and in the library I finally found my topic in Endicott Peabody (pronounced pee-bidy and said as fast as possible).  He captured my attention, and has held it for half a decade.

On January 28, 1882, Endicott Peabody stepped out of his carriage onto the cold, dusty streets of Tombstone.  As a New England born, British educated, upper-class Cambridge seminary student, Peabody seemed an odd fit in the silver mining boomtown in southern Arizona.  During his journey, he had heard various rumors concerning Tombstone.  A few months before his arrival, ImageTombstone blazed into the pages of Western lore with the Shootout at the O.K. Corral.  Well aware of Tombstone’s reputation, Peabody rode into town prepared to fight for the citizens’ hearts and minds.  Compared to the other ministers in the town, his ministerial methodology and physique set him apart.  Standing over six feet tall, with a muscular build, he struck the citizens of Tombstone as different.  His six-month tenure in Tombstone confirmed their suspicions. Instead of spending his time and efforts on recruiting the female members for his congregation, he focused on the men.  He began connecting with men on their own terms.  He believed an active faith would save the bodies and souls of Tombstone.  Not initially carrying a firearm, though that would come, Peabody possessed a new, unique weapon for his ministry, baseball.

Scholars mark muscular Christianity’s creation during the waning years of the 19th century. Victorian culture was in a state of crisis.  Aristocratic children often lay pale and bedridden in their homes suffering from neurasthenia.  With a perceived “softness” among men, especially clergy, the solution was rediscovering their masculinity through a strenuous life ethic.  These late Victorians believed physical exercise and an active faith embodied the remedy for their malady. A logical arena in which to experience the strenuous life was sport.  At this time, baseball engulfed the nation.  Examining the relationship between religion, baseball, and muscular Christianity in the American West reveals the innovation of Endicott Peabody to interact with the rugged male dominated society, adapt to the individualistic culture, and meet spiritual needs of their Western congregants.

Born on May 30, 1857, Endicott Peabody came into a wealthy New England family. While at school in England he took an interest in various sports. Peabody’s biographer described him as tall, strong, and graceful.  Sometime, in the early months of his seminary education, Peabody received a call to fill in as the minister for the Episcopal Church in Tombstone, Arizona.  Grafton Abbott, a friend of Endicott’s older brother Francis, had traveled to Tombstone chasing opportunity in the recently discovered silver mines. The founding rector of the church clashed with the congregation, and left town soon thereafter.  Peabody struggled with the decision, but he accepted the appointment to stay in “the rottenest place you ever saw” for six months.

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One of Peabody’s primary actions in Tombstone was ministering to the miners and he relied on his sporting ability to interact with a class of men overlooked by pastors before him.  His tool was baseball.  He frequently traveled to mines outside of town to play baseball with the miners.  Of one such game he wrote, “I was glad to thoroughly get to know the men better.” This technique earned the respect of the miners. In a letter back east Peabody told about one miner who said, “Why is that the minister there?  Well, I’ll be damned if I don’t think more of him than I did before.”  Over the course of his time in Tombstone, Peabody continually met with various men, mostly miners, in hopes of starting a team.

Within a month of Peabody’s arrival, the men of Tombstone were regularly playing baseball.  Out on a visit to a female member of his congregation, Peabody passed several men throwing the ball around.  Two hours later, Peabody left the field, but felt that he “did not play very well still enjoyed it very much.” He maintained a high standard for his play.  For example, after one satisfying day at the field he wrote, “Rather good form- hitting 3 times and one to the fence and made a rather swaggering catch.”  The usual end of the game did not come from fatigue, but from the ball being torn to pieces. He habitually shortened his house calls in favor of a baseball game.  For Peabody, this was not neglecting his clerical duties, but rather he viewed baseball as evangelism and exercise, both essential for changing Tombstone’s society.  While he desired an organized league, the spontaneous baseball excursions made up the majority of his play and pastoral visits.

On April 26, 1882, Peabody took part in the organization of the first Tombstone baseball team.  He became the treasurer of the team, something he found boring.  He, however, understood his higher purpose for helping establish the team as the pro bono ecclesiae.  Typically, the members of the Tombstone team would play games against the various mines that had enough men to field a team.  Before long, the team moved him into the position of Vice President.  With his new position came added responsibilities.  One day, when he was not feeling particularly well, he mounted a horse, and worked on leveling off the field for over two hours. Though overworked and underpaid, Peabody understood the power of baseball for his ministry to the men of Tombstone.  The game provided him the opportunity to travel around the Arizona countryside to interact with the miners.

Peabody’s adoption of sports for evangelization purposes represents one of muscular Christianity’s primary innovations. His neighbors in Tombstone took notice of his blend of masculine activities and religion. According to the Tombstone Epitaph the town got “a parson who doesn’t flirt with the girls, who doesn’t drink beer behind the door, and when it comes to baseball, he’s a daisy.” What set Peabody and other muscular Christian ministers apart was their willingness to disregard the Victorian stereotype of effeminate preachers and embrace the cultural desires of American men.

The actions of Peabody left an indelible mark on the American West.  Through his endeavors, Peabody successfully established a church founded on muscular Christianity.  As Reverend Peabody’s tenure in Tombstone was ending, he sought a replacement minister capable of holding his own on the baseball diamond.  This ensured the future minister would “be brought into contact with men whom he might not otherwise meet.”  Through these interactions, some of the ministers of Tombstone earned the respect of the miners.  He found his man in Isaac Bagnell.  Peabody’s primary goal for his successor was to continue the implementation of muscular Christianity as the tool to reach Tombstone’s citizens.

The most obvious example of Peabody’s legacy in Tombstone, can still be found on the corner of Third and Stafford, two blocks from the O.K. Corral.  There stands St. Paul’s Episcopal Church of Tombstone.  It is on the same site acquired by Peabody almost a century and a half ago.  While no trace of a church baseball team is readily available, the church continues to serve the community of Tombstone.

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After his experiences in Tombstone, Peabody returned to New England a changed man.  He instilled the lessons learned into prominent shapers of American society by founding the Groton School outside of Boston.  When Peabody passed away on November 17,1944, he had educated Theodore Roosevelt’s boys, advised Jacob Riis on his urban reform efforts, and served as Franklin D. Roosevelt’s mentor.  In Peabody’s obituary for the New York Times, F.D.R. reflected, “As long as I live his [Peabody’s] influence will mean more to me than that of any other [person] next to my father and mother.” The life of Endicott Peabody illustrates the potency of muscular Christianity and the impact the American West had on shaping him and his ministry.

The implementation of muscular Christianity through baseball in the American West by Endicott Peabody leads to several conclusions about the relationship between sport, the West, and religion in 19th and 20th-century America.  First, Peabody’s transformative experience in Arizona marks the influence of the American West on muscular Christianity.  In Tombstone, Peabody acknowledged that he was an outsider.  He was not a cowboy, miner, prospector, gunslinger, or entrepreneur.  However, this did not stop him trying to imitate them.  To gain the rugged nature that he lacked, Peabody purchased all of the necessary items.  He bought a cowboy hat, pistol, chaps, and horse.  He believed these purchases and his jaunts in the countryside offered him the authentic experience he hoped to obtain when he traveled west.  Despite all of his purchased Western wearwhat ended up winning the respect of the citizens of Tombstone was his love of baseball.  Instead of fearing the rise of American sports culture, muscular Christian preachers in the American West embraced the game to reach their communities.  As Peabody’s experience shows, the American West did not act solely as a receptor of religion from the East, but served as a proving ground for muscular Christians that in turn reshaped American Christianity and culture.

Second, muscular Christianity from its start embraced controversial sports.  While some pastors focused on enforcing blue laws against baseball, muscular Christian ministers used the game to further their cause.  As the 20th-century progressed, they maintained this characteristic.  Religious universities like Notre Dame and BYU started football programs in the first quarter of the century exemplify this ingenuity.  A century later we have fighting pastors as discussed in Adam Park’s post two weeks ago.  Muscular Christianity has never been regressive.  Rather, it blurred the line between savage and civilized in order to attract new converts, reshape physiques, strengthen faith, and gain moral authority.

This combination of baseball and Wild West culture gave birth to a movement that changed the practices and perceptions of Christianity throughout the 20th century.  The strongest days of muscular Christianity were still to come.  In the decades to follow, the emphasis on a participatory faith grew into movements like the Social Gospel,Boy Scouts, Christian summer camps, the Fellowship of Christian Athletes, Promise Keepers, and Fight Church.  Though no muscular Christians find themselves combating Wild West shootouts today, they, like their 19th-century comrades, remain focused on infusing American churches and culture with sports and masculinity.  Consider who is the face of evangelical Christianity today.  Not a minister, author, or scholar, but an out of work quarterback, Tim Tebow.

Hunter Hampton is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Missouri.  He can be reached at hmhyn7@mail.missouri.edu.

The World Cup, The Two Escobars, and the Globalization of Sport

In truth many people reading this post are new to World Cup fever. Growing up with a European father, I was exposed to the  cup at a young age – I recall watching the Germany – Argentina final in 1986 and being truly amazed by the artistry of Diego Maradona (although I was rooting for the Mannschaft). Despite this early exposure, compared to my continental cousins, my relationship to international soccer was pretty remote. I recall watching the 1998 world cup in Germany, and after two painful losses to Germany and Iran, being consoled by my extended family, and frankly shocking them by explaining to them that I didn’t really follow the US side.

In fact if you ask most US Soccer fans (just look for the guy inexplicably wearing a scarf in 90 degree weather) they will generally tell you that international soccer is not the real game – its club matches that matter. Maybe that’s true, but for me soccer will always mean the World Cup. When you think about it, it’s a truly extraordinary event. It pits a great number of the worlds nations against each other (in a sport they truly enjoy) on an equal field of play where a small nation like Uruguay can have more cups than a vast nation like the United States (whose best finish was 3rd in the first cup in 1930), or its former colonial master Spain (the defending champions).

All this being said, Soccer has come of age in the United States. People genuinely follow the national team (USMNT), a fact best typified by the controversy surrounding the dismissal of Landon Donovan from the tournament squad. However, for the American soccer fan, some education is likely in order. Sure, we all played AYSO as kids, but in the rest of the world, it’s not a game of orange slices and Gatorade. This is typified by what I consider the best available  documentary for the casual American fan of soccer (or the Drug War), The Two Escobars. Directed by Jeff and Michael Zimbalist, this film was a part of the original season of ESPN’s 30 for 30 documentary series. It tells the story of Andres Escobar, a Columbian soccer star, and Pablo Escobar, perhaps the most famous Columbian Narco of the 1980’s and 90’s. It’s a documentary that skillfully shows the relationship between power and futbol in Columbia, and how the war on drugs changed the course of the 1994 world cup. This date is significant because the 1994 cup was hosted by the United States, and really marks the rebirth of soccer in North America. Escobars  is a film that deals with complicated morality, and the unique place that sport plays in national identity. For the American viewer, it shows just how deadly serious the beautiful game can be for many fans and athletes.

ESPN has offered a series in preparation for this year’s world cup entitled “Inside: US Soccer’s March to Brazil” a series that takes the viewer through the US national teams preparation for the cup. Fairly standard fare for fans of series like “Hard Knocks”, it does offer the chance to get to know the individual personalities on the team. In some ways this is quite useful for most Americans fans because soccer players tend to have a very low profile in the United States. The aforementioned Landon Donovan is the all time USMNT leading scorer, and I suspect could walk through any mall in the US without being bothered.

So what should the average American viewer make of documentaries like these, or World Cup coverage in general? I think that 1994 is an important year for more reasons than simply the choice of host country. Since the end of the Cold War, one of the major themes in international relations has been the rapid pace of globalization. We often think of this process solely in terms of wealth and commerce (the rise of powerful multinational corporations or the outsourcing of manufacturing jobs ) but it also has a direct impact on popular culture and leisure. Athletes like Andres Escobar and Jurgen Klinsmann (the current coach of the USMNT and German Fussball Legend) changed the US sport landscape in 1994. I remember having to watch most of the 1990 cup in Italy on a Spanish language station (less than ideal as at the time I spoke no Spanish) because I had no other alternatives. Today, ABC has devoted blocks of valuable weekend sports coverage to group games that do not involve or directly affect the American team. ESPN estimates that 20,000 US fans will be in Brazil to support the USMNT, not an insubstantial number considering the remote locations of Americas group matches in Manaus, Natal, and Recife (far from Rio and Sao Paulo), and the largest traveling rooting contingent of any nation. While Soccer may never replace baseball as the national pastime – it’s fast approaching a moment when a great deal of national pride is invested in the national teams performance, and when the US joins the rest of the world in dreaming fondly of hoisting the World Cup.

Max Rieger is a PhD candidate at Purdue University, and avid World Cup fan.